I try my hardest not to get jealous

I try my hardest not to get jealous, I really do. I know it is really, really bad karma to do so, and I know my time will come, and etc., etc., etc. but still, sometimes I just get this really awful, jealous feeling when I find out someone I know got engaged. Ironically, none of my close friends have gotten engaged - but some work friends and some girls I went to school with got engaged recently and posted details ALL over Facebook (I'm talking posting a "Note" with pictures and  (no lie) about how the guy proposed, the ring details, etc..... gag me. mostly Close family

Out of my best friends, most are in the same boat as me - two friends have been Girl friend and boy friend ,there boyfriend for five years and no rings; another, living with his girl friend  for 3 or 4 yrs and nothing. Another 3-4 girlfriends are single. It's not like I'm the "last one" not engaged after my close family engaged behind me. I'm 27 though and will probably get married one day  but in  in no rush. So, when I hear about these acquaintance who get engaged, after what I know are relatively brief relationships, or the girls are younger than me, I just don't  understand. What do they have in common , that I (or my wonderful friends, for that matter), don't? Why do some guys propose after 6 months or a year and others, who all seem to be in very happy relationships, wait forever, while I know the girl would be thrilled to get engaged?

An example: My friend's co-worker recently got engaged after dating her boyfriend less than a year. He was telling me how happy she was and sounded genuinely thrilled for her. I almost lost it! I was so mad - I couldn't control it. I didn't understand how he could sound so THRILLED for someone doing something that he doesn't feel ready for right now? I sarcastically said to him "poor guy who proposed, his life is over, huh?" He didn't think that was funny. Or, me pointing out how ridiculous this other girl I know posting this elaborate note about her engagement, and he was like, just let her be....I was like, what the fuck? How can you say that?

I know I am being irrational :( I know it's wrong and don't need to be told twice, but I can't control these feelings. Does anyone else ever feel this way?

أحيانا أكره يجري غيور

أحاول جهدي ألا بالغيرة ، وأنا حقا. وأنا أعلم أنه هو حقا ، كارما سيئة حقا أن تفعل ذلك ، وأنا أعرف وقتي وسوف يأتي ، والخ ، الخ ، الخ ولكن لا يزال ، وأحيانا كنت مجرد الحصول على هذا مخيف حقا ، والشعور بالغيرة عندما أجد شخص أعرفه حصلت على المشاركة. ويا للسخرية ، وتصدت لها قد حصلت أيا من أصدقائي المقربين -- ولكن بعض الأصدقاء وعمل بعض الفتيات ذهبت إلى المدرسة مع خطبت مؤخرا ونشرت التفاصيل في جميع أنحاء الفيسبوك (أنا أتحدث تنشر "ملاحظة" مع صور و(لا تكذب) حول كيف الرجل المقترحة ، وتفاصيل الحلقة ، الخ.... هفوة لي. أغلق معظمها الأسرة


الخروج من أعز أصدقائي أن معظم هم في نفس القارب كما مني -- صديقين وقد صديق وصديقة الفتاة الصبي ، هناك صديق عن خمس سنوات وليس الخواتم ؛ أخرى ، يعيش مع صديقة ابنته عن 3 أو 4 سنوات وشيء. آخر الصديقات هي واحدة 3-4. انها ليست مثل أنا "آخر" لم تشارك بعد عائلتي وثيق وتصدت لها ورائي. ابن 27 وربما لو تزوجت في يوم واحد ولكن لا تتعجل. لذا ، عندما أسمع عن هذه معارفه الذين يحصلون على المشاركة ، بعد ما أعرف هي علاقات قصيرة نسبيا ، أو الفتيات هن أصغر مني ، وأنا لا أفهم. ماذا لديهم من القواسم المشتركة ، وأنني (أو أصدقائي رائع ، لهذه المسألة) ، لا؟ لماذا يقترح بعض اللاعبين بعد 6 أشهر أو سنة وغيرهم ، الذين يبدو أنهم جميعا أن نكون في علاقات سعيدة جدا ، والانتظار الى الابد ، في حين أعرف ستكون سعيدة في الحصول على الفتاة العاملة؟


مثال على ذلك : صديقي العامل المشترك مؤخرا خطوبتهما بعد التعارف صديقها أقل من عام. كان يقول لي كيف انها كانت سعيدة وبدت سعيدة حقا بالنسبة لها. فقدت ما يقرب من ذلك! كنت غاضبة جدا -- أنا لا يمكن السيطرة عليه. لم أكن أفهم كيف يمكن أن الصوت مسرورون جدا لشخص يفعل شيئا انه لا يشعر بأنه جاهز الآن أليس كذلك؟ قلت له ساخرا "المسكين الذي اقترح ، خلال حياته ، هاه؟" وقال انه لا يعتقد أن كان مضحكا. أو ، لافتا إلى كيف لي سخيفة هذه الفتاة الأخرى أعرف نشر هذه المذكرة تفاصيل عن خطبتها ، وكان مثل ، مجرد السماح لها أن تكون.... كنت مثل ، ما هي اللعنة؟ كيف يمكنك أن تقول ذلك؟

Greatest General and our beloved leader In History

Hamd Idris Awate was born in 1910 at Gerset, located between Tessenei and Omhajer in southwestern Eritrea. His father was a peasant and owned a Rifle. Awate was trained by his father how to use that gun.In 1935, he was conscripted by the Italians to serve in the colonial army of the Eritrean Ascari. Beside his fluency in Arabic, Tigre, Tigrina, Nara, Hedareb, and Kunama, Awate learned the Italian language within a short period of time and was sent to Rome for a course in military intelligence.
     After returning from Italy, he was appointed as a security officer in western Eritrea. Shortly after, he served as deputy chief of the city of Kassala, Sudan and its surroundings during the brief Italian occupation of that city in 1940 /1941.He fought as an ascari in the Battle of  keren and participated to the Italian guerilla in Eritrea against the British and Ethiopians in World War II with the cavalrymen of Ali Gabre.Resistance against Ethiopia . A man of few words. Arguably, one of the most powerful Eritrean leaders that ever lived. He feared no man and lived as a gentlemen. Men respected him and often told tales of his greatness. He spoke 10 languages and was an excellent sharp shooter. When attacked by the British, he and his loyal fighters annihilated many British troops, forcing the British into a peace treaty with him.
    After Eritrea was forced into a 10 year federation and it became clear that Eritrea was not going to get its vote on whether to be independent or not like the UN charter stated would happen after the 10 year of forced federation came to an end, his followers asked him to declare war on Haile Selassie and his American backed troops...He agreed and shot the first bullets of freedom to end the annexation and occupation of the foreign Ethiopian troops. In 1958 a group of Eritrean exiles in Cairo founded the Eritrean Liberation Movement under Awate's leadership.In July 1960, in the city of Cairo, a group of young Eritrean students and intellectuals held a meeting and formed the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). The group consisted of the following men:
    Back home, the Ethiopian authorities were suspicious of Awate’s movements and activities, and were watching him closely. Ethiopian police forces planned to arrest Awate in his village in August 1961. Turkey explains that the Ethiopians deployed a large amount of police forces but their plans were foiled by an Eritrean nationalist within the Ethiopian police who informed Awate earlier of that plan. Awate then fled to Mount Adal located to the west of Agordat.
Awate’s decision to begin armed resistance was reached after a period of long deliberations with other nationalists. In an interview with Eritrea Al-haditha, issue #75, second year, pioneer Mohammed Al-Hassan Dohen, a long time friend of Awate and Awate's assistant when he was district chief, says: "In the year 1960, Idris Mohammed Adem sent a letter to Awate, the letter was written in Arabic. Hamid Awate told me that Idris Mohammed Adem was asking him to declare the armed struggle; but he was not ready for it at that time. After four months, Mohammed Al-Shiekh Dawud came and asked Awate to declare the revolution. Awate agreed to lead the armed struggle and declare the revolution but asked for support. Mohammed Al-Shiekh Dawud provided Awate with old arms, three five bullet rifles "abu khamsa" and gave him 300 Birr with sugar and tea. In addition, Ibrahim Mohammed Ali brought two rifles and  At the beginning we were only seven, then shortly our number had grown to be 13 fighters."
        The Ethiopian authorities immediately responded to Awate's declaration. According to Awate’s contemporaries, a military unit in six trucks was sent to apprehend Awate but failed. The Ethiopians resorted to using different tactics to deal with Awate. Mohammed Al-Hassan Dohen indicates in his interview that Omer Hassano and Ejiel Abdulrahman did a last minute appeal to end Awate’s rebellion on August 1961. Awate responded saying: "If you want us to end our armed struggle, then you better lower the Ethiopian flag and raise up the Eritrean flag."
On September 1, 1961, eleven rebels led by Awate attacked police posts in the west of Eritrea include one on Mount Adal. A fierce battle ensued between Awate's and Ethiopian forces, lasting seven hours 7 hours ending in a stalemate.
        The Kunama people have accused Awate of cattle raiding, razing of villages and murdering members of the local population. When Jebha-Al-Tahrir (ELF) started operating in the area after choosing Hamid Idris Awate as a military unit leader, the conflict against the Kunama people continued. The stories of his confilct  are told and re-told by some Kunama people residing in the Tika and surrounding regions.

        After eleven  month on May 27, 1962, Awate drank milk for dinner, then soon told his unit that he was not feeling good. His condition began to deteriorate quickly. Awate died on May 28, 1962. Wounded in his last battle death may have been due to battle wounds, though some claim it was from natural causes. He was buried near Haykota, Gash Barka. A statue was erected by the Government of Eritrea on the 1st of September 1994 at his grave site.

Isaias Afwerki Is Us And We Are Him

  There is a Facebook group, which I belong to, called:” We Are All Isaias Afwerki”. From the start, there were discussions about why we are all Isaias Afwerki and the answers were all the same worded differently. We are because he is the embodiment of what Eritrea is all about. We are because he is and has been the face of Eritrea past, present and has set a precedent for the future. We are because he is what Eritrea is all about; grit, determination, perseverance, commitment and he is a finisher. We are because he is like every one of us; humble and determined to leave within his means while focusing on the future sacrificing a great deal. We are because of his commitment to honor the martyrs by building a nation worthy of their sacrifices and, the list could go on…

One of the most important foundations to life is thankfulness to God/Allah for the small blessing of the world. It is only then that the blessings multiply and multiply. To recognize those small blessings is a blessing in itself. In fact, relatively speaking, many of the disadvantages Eritrea was dealt-with turned out to be a blessing. The fact that Eritrea was denied independence when all African countries were handed their “freedom” turned out to be a major blessing. It gave Eritrea the time to see the entrapments laid out in plain day light to learn from. There is a saying in Tigrigniya that means “let Him give you example and not make you one.” Eritrea was lucky to have-had examples of how not to be. However, Eritrea needed direction of how-to-be and how to chart directions away from the failing of the others that regressed precipitously due to corruption with few on the top echelon sucking the foundations-away from the people to ruins everywhere in Africa without exception.

The struggle for the independence of Eritrea was a blessing in a sense because it became a struggle for freedom not only from the chains of colonialism but also from the mental slavery that the west placed upon Africans. It gave Eritrea a space to deal with the political upheavals that Eritrea faced during the first half of the struggle that could have undone the revolution. The ethnic, religious and regional divisions the Eritrean revolution inherited was paralyzing. All these divisions and differences led to a civil war that lasted for years frustrating many that just wanted to see Eritrea focus on the enemies. This also triggered massive exodus.

Eritrea also had nothing in terms of organizational structures, resources and support to start the revolution. There was no standing organized army. The tasks at hand seemed impossible or insurmountable, and the odds were stacked against Eritrea. The possibilities that Eritrea could eject Ethiopia, a country that was backed by US, Israel and the USSR was almost unthinkable to the world. Ethiopia received then as now military, political, financial, diplomatic, and all kinds of assistances while Eritrea had none.   

What Eritrea had were determined people that want independence, peace and life based on a higher standard. Eritrea had people willing to work hard, to sacrifice and pay all that they have in life that is necessary for freedom; people that are willing to endure the rigors, hardships and pain for victory. They wanted to chart their own course in uncharted territories. They carried a stick to fight tanks and, stones to fight war planes. Because that was all they had. They used their ingenuity and illusiveness to elude the enemy and fought with rifles against organized armies. In the process they learned to scavenge effectively. For the first time in the history of Africa, Eritreans fought a well trained and armed army with armaments they took away from Ethiopian soldiers they killed and captured in battle and used it to build a national army.

Eritreans fought Ethiopia and the superpowers with everything they had. They fought Ethiopian soldiers and intelligence from within Ethiopian-held cities and territories risking their lives. They fought the fight for freedom from every corner around the globe. They were resourceful, brilliant and dedicated. That again became another blessing that benefited independent Eritrea. It created a network of organized Eritreans in every corner of the world. The traditions and values that were established then are serving Eritrea in this challenging world in ways unseen anywhere. It is saving Eritrea from many threats that are threatening to wipe clean the blood of the martyrs and to undo the hard won independence.

Central in these struggles was a group of Eritrean women and men that are farsighted, brilliant, dedicated, imaginative and fearless. They were humble, down-to-earth and cognizant on the fact that Eritrea’s number one asset is her people. They lead the struggle with a realistic approach to life grounded around established ethical, religious and cultural values. They exploited those values and harnessed a work ethic that became a way of life in Eritrea. That work ethic was designed to empower the people by relying on freedom from handouts. They taught them that only collective effort can yield desired outcomes and supported that with a slogan, “Victory to the Masses” and trekked believing, “ Our struggle is long and VICTORY certain.” They trekked unfazed by distractions meant to derail the struggle. They ignored it then as now saying,” let the DOGS bark as the camel strides.” And they arrived. They arrived into a new nation victorious led by Bitsay, Tegadalay, His Excellency President Isaias Afwerki amongst other leaders.                     

As a new nation, Eritrea required her leaders to meet certain requirements. The leader needed to be strong, visionary, committed, selfless and experienced. It required a strong character with unshakeable faith on the people of Eritrea. It required incorruptible character that will not sell the people as they do all over Africa. It required someone with a military like discipline, with a work ethic, unfazed by the glitziest and glamour. It required someone that knows the people of Eritrea and to have a certain personal attachments, understanding, compassion and genuine affection. It required understanding of the anguishes, hardship and painful struggles they went through to get her. They needed someone who knows their homes and families; someone who is like them. Above all, they wanted someone that will honor their sons, daughters, mothers and fathers that perished. They needed someone that can carry the mantle in their honor everywhere.

Eritrea did not need a ruler. Eritrea needed someone that can be a captain of the Eritrean submarine in uncharted waters. Because every Eritrean is capable to play his or her part as they have for decades. Eritreans assumed roles to successes. Every Eritrean is a leader. That is what Eritrea requires from all her children without exception. The tasks at hand for all Eritreans are so varied and numerous it required Eritreans to roam free representing their nation in every aspect of life everywhere. It required filling all the gaps needed, however they can and as directed and they did a million times over. 

That makes for a great partnership between a country and leadership; all works in harmony as it is and has been with His Excellency President Isaias Afwerki. Eritrea is a blessed nation with a leader that the world has ever seen without exaggeration. President Isaias is one of the greatest of gifts Eritrea is blessed with. It is often not commonly practiced in Eritrea to praise a leader; some are culturally squeamish since all have contributed mightily for Eritrea in many ways. That is understandable because there are those that have given entire families, limbs and paid in many ways near and dear. However, this special occasion warrants the greatest of praises to one of Eritrea’s greatest heroes.

President Isaias met all the requirements that Eritrea required and more. He is the source of strength, unity, the voice, the parental figure, the brother and warrior in trenches. He is the guide that points Eritrea in the right direction. He led the mother in a distant field toward the water that can quench the thirst of child. He is a farmer; member of huge farmland called Eritrea; and he is roaming throughout the entire country greening the land wherever he goes. He is the teacher that believes all the kids must have the same opportunities to learn not to get out of poverty as the main objective but to thrive in life and in the process; lift the nation to the highest of standards. He is the friend of the doctor that saw a nation’s health as a national imperative and built medical facilities throughout Eritrea. He is a man that knows military strategy, intelligence, security and geopolitics. He is the man that co-founded one of the strongest armies in the world and created a national service program to ensure perpetuity.

To say what transpired in Eritrea over the last half century is a miracle is to truly undermine the brilliance of Eritrea’s leaders and a leader. When the history of the world looks back at this era and particularly relative to African nations, Eritrean leaders led by His Excellency President Isaias will be looked at as the greatest leaders of our time and models to be emulated simply because of their commitment to freedom and build a nation by relying on itself. What is even mind-boggling is the simplicity of the formulas they employed. It is a formula that just focused on the masses to be aware, organize and get armed for life.

In life, the average person is limited to certain accomplishments mainly personal. What His Excellency President Isaias Afwerki has done with his life is admirable. Eritrea is blessed to have leaders that function at high levels. However, President Isaias epitomizes the best of them. He is selfless, focused, brilliant and a true Eritrean who made Eritrea, his life’s work. He lived Eritrea. Eritrea is his mission, his way of life and life. He gave his life for Eritrea. That commitment is the reason why he was able to oversee Eritrea transform through critical stages that propelled Eritrea into the world stage that we are witnessing today. He saw the beginning and lived the transformation. He experienced all the ups and downs of the Eritrean revolution from atop. He lived through the hardships to see the independence of Eritrea by defeating enemies. He oversaw the unthinkable; the yanking of the Derg regime; facilitated a regime change and produced the signature that engraved Eritrea as a member nation of the UN. He ushered Eritrea into a new Era of independence through the referendum.

Soon after independence, Eritrea was challenged as a nation militarily, politically, economically and in every conceivable way by enemies that wanted to reverse a hard won independence. His Excellency President Isaias again guided the nation with strength, and showed Eritrea the way-out into the new platform of freedom that is in the process of placing Eritrea in par with the rest the developed world in unprecedented speed shocking detractors and naysayers. The only way to describe it will be to liken it to a nuclear submarine navigating through the darkest and most hostile of deep waters under extreme pressures. The President has guided it through the deep waters into an oasis. To say we are living in the most hostile part of the world is understatement. All one has to do is think of Djibouti, Yemen, Somalia, Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia and think about the internal strife in these nations. Think about the geopolitical interests of the superpowers that want to destroy any semblance of nationalistic attitudes anywhere in the region. Think about the greedy that want to exploit our riches at the expense of the people. Yet, only Eritreans are truly enjoying their nation in its truest of forms communally in unison with President Isaias in observance. 

As Wedi Tkabo sings, “Eritrea’s umbrella is untouchable by the raging fire because you are our cover, Butterfly.” The raging fire and destitution plaguing the region is distant from Eritrea because of leaders that bought Eritrea time and anchored the people in united purposes. That is the hard truth that the enemies are finding hard to swallow.

I am and we are Isaias Afwerki because we all stand for one common purpose, Eritrea. In an effort to subjugate Eritrea and make the people of Eritrea kneel and bow; with the idea, if you cut the head the body will fall; the enemies of Eritrea waged major demonizing campaigns against His Excellency President Isaias Afwerki. They want to extricate the president from the people. In a sense they said the President Isaias is Eritrea. The reality however, where Eritrea is today is the cumulative result of the hard work of the people. If President Isaias is capable to achieve all these Eritrean successes individually; then he is GOD.

Hence, His Excellency President Isaias is not Eritrea but he is Eritrean representing Eritrea; his people. And the people are saying yes! Eritreans are flocking to New York from Europe, Canada, and West coast and all over US to show him support. They are flocking in busses, planes and cars spending thousands to say “We are All Isaias Afwerki. He is us, we are him and we are Eritrea and, nothing can change that”!

                                ክብርን ሞጎስን ንጀጋኑ ሰማእታትና !!
                                            ዓወት ንሓፋሽ  !!

Ethiopia: Meles's Shame and the Dead-End of Hatred

By Messay Kebede -

Meles Zenawi’s blatant hatred of Ethiopia is a puzzle that Ethiopian intellectual circles have in vain tried to decipher. While some propose the suggestion that the hatred betrays his commitment to his Eritrean side, others consider it as an expression of his ethnic racism. Still others remain baffled, unable as they are to understand how he revels in denigrating the object of his obsession, namely, state power. One thing is sure, however, they all agree on the idea that his overall policy and its day-to-day implementation make sense only from the vantage point of a project to ransack Ethiopia’s resources and leave the rest to the vultures of ethnic secessionism. Harsh dictators have ruled Ethiopia in the past, but all considered themselves as Ethiopians. What is new with Meles is his anti-Ethiopian stand and his open contempt for whatever is Ethiopian.

Yet, one important element liable to explain Meles’s hatred has been with us for quite some time. I have in mind the history of his family, which is a history marred by collaboration with the occupying Italian forces. Notably, his grandfather not only worked for the Italians, but he was also an appointee and an office holder. What this means is that Meles had to deal very early with this family shame, which according to testimonies brought scorn and isolation on his family.

Now, there are two ways of dealing with this kind of existential predicament. There is the positive way according to which the person affected by family disgrace tries to behave in such a way as to repair the fault. In the case of Meles, this would mean showing a renewed and active commitment to Ethiopia. This is the path of expiation, which requires a serious self-examination and, mostly, a great amount of courage. All the available and trustworthy testimonies about Meles agree on the fact that courage was and is not one of his virtues.
There remains the second path, which is negative and consonant with the lack of courage. It is the path of denial, that is, the denial of betrayal. In order to accomplish this metamorphosis, Meles has to demean Ethiopia and devalue all its accomplishments. The more he belittles Ethiopia, the more he weakens the gravity of the family betrayal, and the less guilty and stained he feels. There was no betrayal since what his family supposedly betrayed was just a trash.

The path of denial nurtures hatred for the simple reason that hatred is a self-defense, a counter to the feeling of being despised by others. When you feel that other people despise you, you react by developing an intense dislike for them as a way of protecting yourself. If you hate them, you get rid of all scruples and sensitivity and adopt the principle that all means are good to hurt them.

      This hatred partially explains Meles’s rapid rise to the leadership of the TPLF. Who else could best express and incarnate the rage of the TPLF against the Ethiopian state and army but Meles, who in addition to sharing with other members the resentment against the marginalization of Tigray, had on him the personal scar of national betrayal. While anger motivated most members, Meles had a stronger torment: he was humiliated and could not rest until he humiliated the source of his own dishonor.

Meles’s characterization of the Ethiopian national flag as nothing but a trash, his persistence in reducing Ethiopian history to mere conquest and subordination, his delight in debunking Ethiopian heroes, his ritual of jailing pro-Ethiopian leaders and releasing them after forcing them to sign degrading letters, etc., are all part of his strategy to humiliate Ethiopia in order to feel good about himself. Add to this that his long-standing hatred has been reignited by his electoral defeat in 2005, which defeat he was quick to interpret as another attempt to humiliate him. Because the defeat revived an old wound, his crackdown on the opposition and protesters was bound to be brutal.

     This is, then, an appeal to Meles urging him to psychoanalyze himself so as to become aware of the deep wound that constantly perverts his policy and contradicts his dream of becoming a great leader. As we all know, in matters of spiritual illness, awareness of the cause is an efficient cure so that the second path, the path of expiation through great deeds is still open to him. No amount of power can erase his shame so long as Meles continues to hang his rehabilitation on the trashing of Ethiopia. For the more he lowers Ethiopia, the less gratifying becomes his dominion. This contradiction is the reason why he wants more power, even though the discredit of the nation cheapens his power. In other words, the cure lies, not in the mistreatment of Ethiopia, but in its promotion, that is, in the commitment to overcome his shame through good works.

ከፍቅር`ዩ ዝፍቀር መሲሉዎ

እወ ኣይተዓደለን  ብፍቅሪ  ክፍቀር

ከንቶ`ባ ኣሕሊፍዎ ድራሩ ከማእርር

ኣብዚ ተባጺሑለይ ንዕድሉ ከማርር

                                        እቲ ፍቅሪ ሓርቢትዎ ብከመይ ከም ዝርከብ

                                        ከፍቅር`የ ኢሉ ይጽዕር የቃምት ብተብተብ

                                        ክፍቀር እየ ኢሉ  ግን  ብፉጹም  ዘየሓስብ

ከፍቅር`የ ኢሉ ዝፍቀር ዝፍቀር መሲሉዎ

ዕድሉ እንተማርር ኣይተፈቅርን ከምዝበሉዎ

ንግዜ   እንትረግም  ጽምዋ ቢሒትዎ

                                        እቲ ፍቅሪ`ሲ ብገንዘብ ኣይዕደግን

                                       ከም ንብረት እውን ኣይልወጥን  ት`ሽግር                                   

እሞ ከየፍቀረ ከመይገይሩ ከፍቅር

ሕልና ሲሒቱ ንፍቅሪ ክምእርር

ላዕልን ታሕትን ከፍቅር ክጽዕር

                                      እንተ ኣነሞ ምክረይ  ከምዚኣ ዳኣላ

                                      ግዘካ ተጸበ ሓንቲ ማዓልቲ  ኣላ

                                      ንስካ ትሕጎሰ ነታ ተፍቅራ ተፍቅረላ

                                      ሕጂ ኣይትሸኩል ንግዘ ኣይተሐንኩላ

                                      ተጸበ ኣጆካ  ክትመጸልካ እያ ባዕላ ::

    ኣይተጋገኩን ይመስለኒ ::ስለምንታይ`ሲ ፍቅሪ ደሊካ  ትርከብ ኣይመስለንን  ምክንያቱ ፍቅሪ ናይ ባዕላ ተፈጥራዊ ሕጊ ፍቅሪ ስለ ትውንን እዩ:: በቲ ሓደ ወገን ድማ ትርጉም ሂወት እንዳ ፈለጥካ ከምዘይ  ፈለጥካ ጠሓሒስካ ዝሕለፍ ተዝከውን ክንደይ ምመቀረ ይሩ ዘይኮነስ  ደቂ ሰባት ብሽም ህላውነቶም እንዳ ተቀያየሩ ኣብ ነንባዕሎም  ካብቲ ዘለዉዎን ዝዓይዎን  ተግባር ዝባኣሰ  ኣሰር ህላውነቶም  ከሕድሩ ኣይምካኣሉን ::ሂወት ቡዙሕ መሳናክልን ዓቀበትን ቁልቁለትን ዝሓዘለት ዑሾክ  እያ::በቲ ሓደ ወገን ዲማ ባህርያአ ግን ዘይንጹርን ብተስፋኣዊ ሕልመትን ሕልምን ጭካናኣዊ ስነምግባር ዝተከበበት እያ ትመስል::ፍቅሪ:ጭካነ:ሓልዮት:ታህጋስ:ጓህን ምረትን  ኩሎም  ኣብ ሓደ  ደረጃ ሂወት ተሰኪዖም  ባዕለሙን  ነንባዕሎም  እንዳተፈራረዱ ክቅጽሉ ከለዉ እቲ ጭካናዊ ባህሪኦም ብድሕሪት እንዳ ገደፉ ብሰላምን ራህዋን ክነብሩዋ ይፍትኑ:: ናብዚ ደረጃ  ከብጽሖም ዝካኣለ ግን  ኣብ ነንባሎም ብዘርእይዎ  ፍቅርን ጽልኣትን`ዩ ::ከመይሲ ህላወ ፍቅሪ መበገሲኡ ሂወት ስለ ዝኮነ እዩ ይመስለኒ   ከመይሲ ፍቅሪ ኣብ ነብስናን መበገሲናን  ኢና ንጅምሮ  ኣባሃህላይ ኣብ በተሰብን ነንባዕልና  ብዘሎና ሓልዮት ዝተሞርከሰ ይመስለኒ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ`ሲ ንባዕሉ እቲፍቅሪ  እዩ  ናይ ህላወና መበገሲ`ዩ ::                        

ባህሪኹም ብመንጽር ቅርጺ ኣፍንጫኹ

      
                                     ገዚፍ ኣፍንጫዘለኩም

ኣፍንጫኹም ኣዝዩ ገዚፍ ካብ ምዃን ዝተበገሰ ዘኽፍኣልኩም ኰይኑ ዝስምዓኩም እንተድኣዀይኑ። ተጋጊኹም፣ ብኣንጻሩ ብሓጐስ ክትሰራሰሩ እዩ ዝግብኣኩም፣ ምኽንያቱ። ናይ ገዛእ ርእስኹም ኣዘዝቲ ምዃን ኢኹም እትብህጉ፣ ቀንጠመንጢ ስራሓት ምስራሕ ኣመና’ዩ ዘሰልክየኩም -  ዓበይቲ ኣበርክቶታት ምግባር እዩ እቲ እትመርጽዎ፣ ካብ’ዚ ዝብገስ ድማ ብደረጃ ዝልዓለ ሓላፍነት እንተዘይኰይኑ ከም ካልእ ብዝሕ ዝበለ ሰብ ኣብ ዝዀነ ስራሕ ዳርጋ ኣይትሰርሑን ኢኹም፣ እዚ ድማ ተመራጺ ባህሪ’ዩ ዝብል እምነት ኣሎ፣

                                     ንእሽቶ ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም

ንእሽቶ ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም ሰባት። ንተደጋጋምን ኣሰልካዪን ስራሕ ከመይ ጌርኩም ከም እትቆጻጸርዎ ኣይትጽገሙን ኢኹም፣ ብዙሕ ግዜ። ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም  ኣብ  “ሰክረታሪ”  ወይ ካልእ ተመሳሳሊ ስርሓት ኢኹም እትዋፈሩ፣ ዝተዋህበትኩም ትእዛዝ ከምዘለዋ ምትግባር እቲ ፍሉይ መለለይኹም እዩ፣ ብተወሳኺ። ካልእ ሰብ ከይትሃስዩ ብምባል እቲ ዝኸፍአ ሓሶት

ካብ ምሕሳው ኣይትቁጠቡን ኢኹም፣

                                       ጠፍናቕ ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም

ጠፍናቕ ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም ሰባት ድማ ብባህርይኹም ካልኦት ሰባት ናይ ምሕጋዝ ዝንባለ እትውንኑ ኢኹም፣ ካብዚ ዝብገስ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣፍንጫ እትውንኑ። መብዛሕትኡ ግዜ  “ግብረ- ሰናይ”  ተባሂለን ኣብ ዝጥቀሳ ትካላት ኢኹም እትሰርሑ፣ ከም ጸገም ዝጥቀስ ባህርይኹም ሓደ። ኣመና ሓገዝቲ ካብ ምዃንኩም ዝብገስ ብኻልኦት ሰባት ብቐሊሉ ተመዝመዝቲ ምዃንኩም እዩ፣

                                    ለዋይ ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም

ከም’ዚ ዓይነት ኣፍንጫ ዘለኩም ሰባት። ሽሕ’ኳ ባህርኹም ምስቶም ገዚፍ ኣፍንጫኦም ዝመሳሰል እንተዀነ። ናታትኩም ግና ኣዝዩዝተጋነነ እዩ፣ ሰባት ምሳኹም ክሰርሑ ወይ ክትዓራረኹ እንተድኣዀይኖም ድማ። መጀመርታ ከምዘኽብሩኹምን

ኣገደስቲ ምዃንኩም ከምዝኣምኑንን ከተረጋግጹ ጥራይ ኣለኩም፣
                                   ከቢብ ኣፍንጫዘለኩም
ጫፍ ኣፍንጫኹም ከቢብ ምስዝኸውንከኣ።ኣብዘይምልከተኩም ጉዳይ ምእታው ዝብርሃኩም ወጣማት ምዃንኩም ይእመን፣ ብዛዕባ ዝዀነ ነገር ክትፈልጡ እትብህጉ ዓይነት ሰባት ኢኹም፣ ምስ ካልኦት ሰባት ተረዳዲእኹም ክትነብሩ እንተድኣ ዀይንኩም ድማ ዝዀነ ሓበሬታ ከምዝተሓብአ ኰይኑ ክስማዓኹም የብሉን፣ ይበሃል ሓቅነት ተሃልይዎ`ሲ::

ምስትምቃር ሂወት

ካብ ዕለታት ሓደ መዓልቲ ፈጣሪ ንብዕራይ ፈጠረ ብኹለንተናኡ ብዝዓገበ ከኣ ናብ መሬት ቅድሚ ምስዳዱ ከምዚ ክብል ተዛረቦ፣ ’ንስኻ ሎሚ ዝዓየኹኻ ፍጡረይ ኢኻ፣ ከም ብዕራይ ኴንካ ከኣ ኣብ ግራት። ኣብ ትሕቲ ጸሓይ። ምሉእ መዓልቲ ክትሰርሕ ክትውዕል ኢኻ፣ ዕድመኻ ሓምሳ ዓመት ክኸውን’ዩ’’ ብዕራይ ግን ፈጣሪ ንዝበሎ ስለ ዘይዓገበሉ ካብ ልቢ ሓዘነ፣ ናብ ፈጣሪ ገጹ እናጠመተ ከኣ። ‘’ኦ ጎይታ። ንኸምዚ ዓይነት ዘይምቹእ ናብራ ስለምንታይ ሓምሳ ዓመት ክነብር ተመኒኻለይ?  ፍቓድካ እንተኾይኑ ዕስራ ዓመት ብኸምዚ ዝበልካኒ ክኸይድ’የ፣ እተን ሳላሳ ዓመት ግን ስለ ዘየድልያኒ ይትረፋኒ፣’’  በለ፣ ፈጣሪ ከኣ ምስ ሓሳቡ ተሰማምዐ፣ ካልኣይ መዓልቲ ብዝኾነ ፈጣሪ ንህበይ ሰየመ፣ ብኹሉ ወገና ብዝዓገበ ከኣ ከምዚ ክብል ተዛረባ፣ ‘’ንመሬት ምኻድኪ ንሓደ ዕላማ’ዩ፣ ንሱ ከኣ ንደቂ ሰባት ምስሓብን ብባህሪኺ ከም ዝስሕቁ ምግባርን’ዩ::
ከተስሕቕዮምን ከተዘናግዕዮምን’የ ዝሰደኪ ዘለኹ፣ ዕድመኺ ከኣ 20 ዓመት ክኸውን’ዩ፣’’ ህበይ ንዘረባ ፈጣሪ ብዝሰምዐት ገጻ ብኹራ መልአ፣ ንሳ’ውን ናብ ገጽ ፈጣሪ እናተመልከተት ከምዚ ክትብል ተዛረበት፣ ‘’  ንሰባት ምዝንጋዕ ጥራይ ዝኸውን ህይወት ኣዝዩ ኣሰልቻውን ኣድካምን’ዩ፣ ፍቓድካ ካብ ኮነ ግን እተን ዓሰርተ  ዓመት ተጸሚመ ክነብረን’የ፣ እተን ዝተረፋ ዓሰርተ ዓመት ግና ድላየይ ኣይኮናን፣’’ በለቶ፣ ፈጣሪ ምስ ሓሳብ ህበይ ተሰማምዐ፣ ሳልሰይቲ መዓልቲ ብዝኾነ ፈጣሪ ንኸልቢ ፈጠሮሞ ከምዚ ከኣ በሎ፣ ‘’ንስኻ ናይ ሳልሰይቲ መዓልቲ ፍጡረይ ኢኻ፣ ስራሕካ ኣብ ኣፍደገ ገዛ ኮፍ ኢልካ ምውዓል’ዩ፣ ናብ ገዛ ጎይቶትካ ንዝኣተወ ብምንባሕ ክትክልክሎን ክትግስጾን ይእዝዘካ ኣለኹ፣ ዕድመኻ 20  ዓመት ክኸውን’ዩ::
 ፈጣሪ ዘረብኡ ብዝዛዘመ ኣብ ገጽ ከልቢ’ውን ሕርቃን ክሰፍን ረኣየ፣ ከልቢ ድማ ከምዚ ብምባል ክዛረብ ጀመረ፣ ‘’ኦ ፈጣሪ! ኣብ ኣፍደገ ቤት ኮፍ ኢለ ክውዕልን ጊላ ወዲ ሰብ ኮይነ ክነብርን ዕስራ ዓመት ኣዝዩ ብዙሕ’ዩ፣ ስለዚ እተን ዓሰረተ ዓመት ከም ፍቓድካ ክነብረን’የ፣ እተን ዓሰርተ ግን ክመልሰልካ ይሕሸኒ፣’’ ፈጣሪ። ንኸልቢ ብዓይኒ ርህራሀ ጠሚቱ። ‘’ከም ድላይካ ይኹን፣  ኪድ ንመሬት ብጻሕ። ዕድመኻ ከኣ ዓሰርተ ዓመት ይኹን፣’’ በለ፣ ኣብ ራብዓይ መዓልቲ ፈጣሪ ካብ መዳቕሶኡ ተንስአ፣ በታ መዓልቲ እቲኣ ከኣ ነቲ ብምሉእ ልቡ ዝተመንዮ ሰብ ፈጠሮ፣ ከምዚ ከኣ በሎ። ‘’ንስኻ ናይ መወዳእታ ፍጡረይ ኢኻ፣ ኣብሊጸ ስለ ዝፈትወካ ከኣ ስራሕካ ከምዚ ክኸውን እዩ፣ እኹል መግቢ። መስተን ድቃስን እናረኸብካ ህይወትካ ኣዝዩ ባህ ዘብል ክኸውን’ዩ፣ ብዘይካ እዚ ዝተባሃልካዮ ካልእ ዕዮ ኣይክህልወካን’ዩ፣ ንስኻ እቲ እንኮምቾት ከሕልፍ ዝተፈጥረ ፍጡረይ ኢኻ፣ ዕድመኻ ዕስራ ዓመት ክኸውን እዩ፣’’  ብምባል ፈጣሪዕዮኡን ዘረባኡን ዛዘመ፣ ወዲ ሰብ ግን ነዚ ብዝሰምዐ ካብቶም ቀዳሞት ብዘይፍለ ኣብ ገጹ ጓሂ ዓሰለ፣ ከምዚ ክብል ከኣ ናብ ፈጣሪ ጠርዐ፣ ‘’ፈጣሪ።
ባህ ዘብል ህያብ ህይወት ሂብካኒ ኢኻ፣ ክበልዕ። ክሰቲ ክጻወት። ክድቅስን ነገራት ከኣ ከም ቃሕታይ ክምርምርን እምብዛ ባህ ዘብል ናብራ’ዩ፣ ዕስራ ዓመታት ግና ኣዝየን ውሒደናኒ፣ ፍቓድካ እንተኾይኑ ብዕራይ ዝተሓሰሞ ሳላሳ ዓመት።ህበይ ዘይደለየቶ ዓሰርተ ዓመት። ከልቢ’ውን ዝመለሶ ዓሰርተ ዓመት ናተይ ክኸውን ፍቐደለይ?’’ፈጣሪ ንልመና ሰብ ጽን ኢሉ ድሕሪ ምስማዕ ብተግባር ወዲ ሰብ እናተገረመ። ‘’ወደይ ከም ፍቓድካ ይኹን፣ ዕድመኻ ካብ ዕስራ ናብ ሰብዓ ይደይብ፣’’ ብምባል ተዛሪቡ ካብ ገጽ ወዲ ሰብ ተኸወለ፣ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እዩ። ካብ’ታ ዝተወለድናላ    ዓመት። ናይ ፈጣሪ ህያብናዝኾናዕስራዓመትክንጻወተለን። ክንበልዓለንን ክንድቅሰለንን እምበር ካልእ ስራሕ ክንፍጽመለን ዘይንርአ፣ ስዒበን ዝመጻና እተን ካብ ብዕራይ ዝተለቃሕናየን ዕድመ’የን፣ እዘን ዕድመ እዚአን  ድሕሪ እተን ምቁራት ዕስራ ዓመታት ዝመጻ ኮይነን ሳላሳ ዓመታት’የን፣ እዘንዕድመ እዚአን ዕድመ ከርተት።
ጻሓይ ይኹን ቁሪ ተጻዊርና ሃለኽለኽ ክንብል። ጾር ስድራና ተቐቢልና እንኣልየለንን እነገልግለለንን ጻዕሪዝሓታና ዓመታት’የን፣ ድሕሪ እዘን ዕድመ እዚአን ዝመጻ እተን ካብ ህበይ ዝወሰድናየን ዓሰርተ ዓመት’የን፣ ንሳተን ዕድመና ካብ ሓምሳታት ናብ ስሳታት እንኣትወለን ኮይነን። ነቶም ዝንኣሱ ደቅናን ደቂ ደቅናን ብጽውጽዋያት እነዛናግዓሉለን  ዕድመ’የን ቀጺለ ንዝመጻ እተን ኣብ መወዳእታ ካብ ከልቢ ዝረኸብናየን ዓሰርተ ዓመት’የን፣ እዘን ዕድመ እዚአን ብዘይካ ኣብ ኣፍደገ ቤት ኮፍ ኢልካ ገዛ ምሕላውን ምስ ሰባት ምንጽርጻርን ካልእ ዝህልወና ስራሕ ኣይህሉን፣ ድሕሪ እዘን ናይ መወዳእታ ዕድመ  ዝተርፈና እንተሃልዩ ነተን ዝነበራና ዕድመ ዛዚምና ንሓዋሩ መዕቈቢና እንሕዘሉ ዕድመ’የን  ኢሎም ንብለኩም::

ንልቦና

• ተነጽሎ ናይ ሕልና ማእሰርቲ’ዩ፣ ስለዚ ካብ ከባቢኻን ሕብረተሰብካን
   ኣይትፈለ።
•  ዕለታዊ ተግባርካን ዕለታዊ ስራሕካን መምዘኒ ሓቅነትካ’ዩ፣ ስለዚ
   ጽቡቕ ግበር።
•  ፍቕሪ ንማንም ፍጡር ፈልዩ ዘይጥምት ናይ ሓባር ቋንቋ’ዩ።
•  ኣፍካ ዓባስ እንተኾይኑ፡ ስራሕካ ባዕሉ ብቓላት ስለዝዛረብ ኣብ
   ነብስኻ ተኣማመን።
• ኩሉ ሕማቕ ከም ጽላሎት ሓላፊ’ዩ።
• ብሕርቃን ተዓብሊልካ ሕማቕ ካብ ምስራሕ ተቖጠብ።
•ንኡስ ሓንጎል ብደቂ-ሰብ የዕልል፡ ማእከላይ ሓንጎል ብከባቢኡ
  ይዛረብ፡ ዓቢ ሓንጎል ንመጻኢ ይእምት።
• ሓቂ’ውን ኣብ ዘይእዋና ሓሶት’ያ።
• ሰላም እንተደሊኻ ንኲናት ድሉው ኩን።

Ethiopia routinely accuses Eritrea of plotting attacks

By Aaron Maasho

ADDIS ABABA, Jan 18 (Reuters) – Eritrea has rejected Ethiopia’s accusations that it trained and armed gunmen who attacked a group of foreign tourists in Ethiopia’s Afar region this week, its envoy to the African Union said on Wednesday.German nationals were among five foreigners killed in the incident late on Monday, Western envoys said. Other tourists were receiving treatment for serious wounds sustained in the attack. One escaped unharmed.An Ethiopian government official told Reuters on Tuesday that the assailants were members of a group “armed and trained” by the Eritrean government....

.“This is pathetic, an absolute lie. Eritrea has nothing to do with any of these movements,” said Girma Asmerom, Eritrea’s envoy to the African Union.Ethiopian officials say the victims were mostly European nationals, but have not given further details.A German Foreign Ministry spokesman said Berlin was working with the German embassy in Addis Ababa to clarify exactly what had happened.Afar is a barren and hot corner in the Horn of Africa country, and home to one of the earth’s harshest terrains.The province’s rock-strewn hills give way to vast deserts below sea level, and dry river-beds and acacia thorn-trees dot the landscape. Banditry is widespread.Foreigners who venture out into the area usually include researchers, aid workers and adventure tourists visiting geographical wonders like the Danakil Depression, one of the hottest places on earth with ancient salt mines and volcanoes.

A German media report said the group of tourists had been close to the Erta Ale volcano, one of Ethiopia’s most active.Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a 1998-2000 border war that killed some 70,000 people, and the dispute still festers.Addis Ababa routinely accuses Asmara of supporting Ethiopian separatist groups, and blamed an Afar rebel movement for the kidnapping of five Westerners in the region in 2007.“It has become a trend for Ethiopia to fabricate sensational news against Eritrea whenever the summit is nearing,” Girma told Reuters.

ዘሰንብድ ብሽርሕን ዓሌታውነትን ዝተአለመ ዜና ካብ ሽረ እንዳስላሴ …ኤርትራን መደባት ኢትዮጵያንዶ ክብሎ?

    ደቂ ኤረ፣ እንታይ ይኸይድ ከም ዘሎ ክርድኣና ነዚ ዝስዕብ ሓበረታ ንወከስ፡- ካብ 9 ክሳብ 13 ጥሪ 2012፡ ካብ ዝተፈላለየ ኣብ ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ዝርከብ መደበራት ተሓሪና እተጸዋዕና ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት እተሳተፍናዮ ኮንፈረንስ ኣብ ከተማ ሽረ   ተኻይዱ። እዚ ኣብ ሚድያ ኢትዮጵያ ብወግዒ ዘይተገለጸ ኮንፈረንስ ብቤት ጽሕፈት ጸጥታ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ እዩ ተወዲቡ። ነቲ ኮንፈረንስ ዝመርሖ ድማ ሓደ ካብ ኢትዮጵያውያን ላዕለዎት ናይ ጸጥታ ሓለፍቲ ኢዩ እተባህለ ኣቶ ኢሳያስ ወልደጊዮርጊስ ነይሩ::ናይ’ቲ ኮንፈረንስ ኣጀንዳ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ኣብ መዳያት ፖለቲካ፡ ቁጠባ፡ ማሕበራዊ ጉዳያትን ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ዝምድናን ምድህሳስ ኢዩ ነይሩ። እቲ መደምደምታታት ድማ ኤርትራ ኩሉ መሰላት ዘይክበረላ፡ ማሕበራዊ ጸገማት ዝሳዕረረላን ካብ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ዝተነጸለትን ምዃና ኣትሪርካ ምድማቕ እተሓወሶ ነይሩ። እዚ ኣብ ሓቂ እተመስረተ ዝኽእል መደምደምታ ብምንባሩ ዘካትዕ ኣይኮነን። ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ‘’እዚ ሕጂ ስልጣን ዝርከብ መንግስቲ ንኤርትራ ብድኻአ እዩ ክርከባ’’ ዝብል ኣበሃህላ ተንጸባሪቑ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ካብዚ ኮንፈረንስ ንፍሉይ ስልጠና ብዝብል ምኽንያት 11 መንእሰያት ተሓርዮም። እንታይ ዓይነት ስልጠና’ዩ ጌና ኣይፈለጥናን። ክግመት ከም ዝከኣል ግን እዚኣቶም ምናልባት ንመጻኢ ሰፊሕ ናይ መንእሰያት ኮንፈረንስ ንምድላው ይመስል።

ኣብዚ ኮንፈረንስ ሓደ ግሩህ ካባና፡ ‘’ስለምንታይ እዚ ኮንፈረንስ ኣብ ክንዲ ብኢትዮጵያውያን ዝምራሕ፡ ብኪዳን ወይ ድማ በዚ ኣብ ሃዋሳ ዝተመስረተ ባይቶ ዘይምራሕ?’’  ዝብል ሕቶ ኣቕሪቡ። በቲ መራሕ ኣኼባ ድማ ደሓር ነዚ ሕቶኻ ንምምላስ ብውልቂ ድሕሪ ኣኼባ  ክንራኸብ ኢና ዝብል መልሲ ሂቡ ሓሊፍዎ። ሓታትን  መራሕ ኣኼባን ምስ ተራኸቡ ድማ “እዘን ውድባት እዚኣተን ኣንጻር ህግደፍ ከድመዓ እየን ኢልካ ኣይትሕሰብ። ካብ ዘይሰረሓ ድማ መተካእታ ምድላይ ናይ ግድን እዩ” ዝብል ሓውሲ መጠንቀቕታ መልሲ ከም እተዋህቦ ባዕለይ ኣረጋጊጸ።

ካብ ደቂ ውሻጠ ዝመስሉ ከም ዝሰማዕኩዎ ከኣ፡ እዚ ኮንፈረንስ ናይ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ’ውን ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተኻየደ ናይ መራሕቲ ውድባትን ናይ ምሁራትን ሰሚናራት ‘’ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ናይ ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ተቓወምቲ መንእሰያት ኮንፈረንስ’’ ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭረሖ፡ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኮንፈረንስ ክካየድ እዩ ዝብል መደብ ኣሎ። ብዘይካዚ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ሊግ ብወገኑ ኣብ ዓመተ 2012፡ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዓለም ለኻዊ ኮንፈረንስ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናይ ምክያድ መደብ ኣለዎ ክብሃል ሰሚዐ።

ዝተወሰኑ ኤርትራውያን ኢና ኢሎም፡ ኣብ ጉባአ ሃዋሳ ካብ መደበር ስደተኛታት ተወኪሎም ተሳቲፎም ዝነበሩ ደቂ ከባቢ ሰርሐ ኣውራጃ ኣከለጉዛይ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ኣይኮናን ስለዚ ኢትዮጵያዊ ዜግነት ክወሃበና ኣለዎ ኢሎም ከም ዝጠለቡን ኣብቲ መደበር ስደተኛታት ነዚ ስምዒት’ዚ ንምስራጽ ይንቀሳቐሱ ከም ዘለዉን እውን ኩሉ ክፈልጦ እደሊ። ካብዞም ኣብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ሕማቕ ተግባራት ተሳቲፎም ዘለዉ ባእታታት ለገሰ ረዳ መለሰ፡ ኣባዲ በርሀ ፍጹምን፡ ተስፎም ሓጎስን ከም ኣብነት ክጠቕሰልኩም። ኣብ ቀረባ ዘሎኹም ትፈልጥዎም፡ ርሑቕ ዘሎዉ ደቂ ሃገር ከኣ ሓቲቶም ይፍለጡ።

ንለባም ኣምተሉ፡ ንዓሻ ከኣ ደርጒሓሉ ኢዩሞ፡ እቲ ኣሚተዮ ዘሎኹ ዝኣኽለኩም ሓበረታ ገይረ እወስዶ።               

Poor UK families feel the heat…not!

Thousands of British families are feeling the chill, stuck below the poverty line and unable to meet soaring energy bills. And it is having an impact on the next generation, which has slipped through the government net for heating handouts.Boiling the kettle for tea – this is something that single mother of four Julie Henry cannot afford to do very often. 

Hers is one of 800,000 families in the UK living in “fuel poverty” – struggling to pay for heating and electricity.  In the last three years, she says her bill has doubled, and it is a constant juggling act.

“The more goes to the bill, and for food and school uniforms, then you have nothing to save, so that’s the difficult bit of it. The children have to eat, four of them have to eat, and their school uniform I have to buy, and on top of that cut down on the electricity use and the light bill. I try to cut down so many things, but it’s not working,” says Henry.

The Warm Home Discount is a government scheme aimed at helping low-income families heat their houses adequately in the winter. But charity Save the Children says energy companies are not contributing enough to the fund, meaning only 3 per cent of families are getting the help they need – with disastrous social consequences.

“We know that growing up in a cold and damp home has a really profound impact on children in terms of their physical health, in terms of their mental health, in terms of their general well-being. Indirect effects in terms of their educational attainment and their chances in life,” says Chris Wellings, head of policy at the Save the Children, an internationally active non-governmental organization that promotes children's rights. 

Energy UK, which represents gas and electricity companies in the media, refused to give an interview. But they did issue the following statement: 

“Following consultation, the Government decided who will benefit from core funding under the new Warm Home Discount scheme, and those customers will get an automatic discount off their electricity bill without needing to apply for it,” said Christine McGourty, director of Energy UK. 

Save the Children says that is not good enough. Currently, only pensioners automatically benefit from the Warm Home Discount scheme, and others must apply, which charities say is very complicated. The scheme is under-funded, and every year energy bills are ticking up and up.  

Additionally and crucially, poor families often use a pay-as-you-go system for their electricity and gas, which works out more expensive than paying monthly. A poverty premium in action.

Meanwhile, Julie sees first-hand the other price of being poor. If she can only afford to heat her house for two hours a day, her children suffer at school.

“Even though they have got jumpers to put on and socks on, they still can’t sleep because the place is too cold. They go to bed late, and wake up late, and they don’t concentrate. My two sons were in big trouble all the time, too many detentions, tired, sneezing all over the place. Matthew got asthma,” Julie says. Save the Children says it will carry on lobbying the government for the help poor families need. And Julie Henry and her children will go on fearing that the next energy bill they receive will be the one that drives them into debt.

Security Council expands sanctions on Eritrea over support for armed groups

Security Council in session

5 December 2011 – 

The Security Council today placed additional sanctions on Eritrea for continuing to provide support to armed groups seeking to destabilize Somalia and other parts of the Horn of Africa, building on the arms and travel embargoes it imposed exactly two years ago.The new measures are contained in a resolution which received the support of 13 of the Council’s 15 members. China and Russia abstained. It follows an earlier meeting today at which the Council heard a briefing from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).
The Council expressed its grave concern in the text that “Eritrea has continued to provide political, financial, training and logistical support to armed opposition groups, including Al-Shabaab, engaged in undermining peace, security and stability in Somalia and the region.”It also condemned the planned terrorist attack of January 2011 to disrupt the African Union summit in Addis Ababa, as expressed by the findings of the Somalia/Eritrea Monitoring Group in July.
The group found that the Eritrean Government “conceived, planned, organized and directed a failed plot” to disrupt the summit by bombing a series of civilian and governmental targets.
In December 2009, the Council adopted a resolution which imposed sanctions on Eritrea for supporting insurgents trying to topple the government in nearby Somalia. The measures included an arms embargo on Eritrea, travel bans on the country’s top political and military officials, and the freezing of assets of some of its senior political and military officials.
By today’s text, which was sponsored by Gabon and Nigeria, the Council condemned Eritrea’s violations of earlier resolutions.
It demanded that it “cease all direct or indirect efforts to destabilize States,” including through financial, military, intelligence and non-military assistance, such as the provision of training centres and camps for armed groups, passports, living expenses, or travel facilitation.
The Council also voiced concern at the potential use of the Eritrean mining sector as a source of finance to destabilize the Horn of Africa. It decided that States should take measures to ensure that their companies involved in mining in Eritrea exercise “due diligence” so that funds derived from the sector are not used to destabilize the region.
In addition, the Council called on Eritrea to engage constructively with Djibouti to resolve their border dispute.

Creating the Bond of Friendship

        The bond of friendship is one that is very strong. It is not easily broken and, it is also not created easily. Making friends can be pretty easy but, maintaining the friendship will need a strong bond of friendship. It is very essential to look at some of the things that go into making the bond strong. It all begins when you meet people and think that they can become friends. In other words, the bond will start to grow when you really establish a connection for friendship. After you have met nice people, look for ways in which you can keep in contact with them. A friend is no good if you cannot reach them. When you are on the same page, it is vital that you take time for the friendship to grow. This means that you not have to start planning for friendship holidays right away. Just like any other relationship, you really need a fair amount of time to really get to know people. Many times, we discover that the people we thought were good for us are not friends at all. For example, you might realize that your friend is an abuser or a criminal. This is the importance of giving yourself time before you make friends.

         

   After you have taken time, call your new friends and invite them to have lunch or to hang out. To create a bond of friendship, you have to ensure that the concern goes both ways. In other words, you should not be the only one who is taking the initiative of inviting them. They should also invite you to participate in events that they have. This is where the true bond of friendship starts to flourish. It is pretty interesting how time flies and you realize that you have made a really good friend. As you get to spend time together, they will start to share with you about their experiences in life and, you will find yourself doing the same. There is nothing more interesting than listening to experiences that have shaped lives. Slowly, you start to share details that no ordinary friends would. As you reach this point, you will become pretty close and even inseparable. You will want your family to play with their family as you enjoy the slices of life.

     Before you realize it, years have passed and the bond of friendship will still be strong. There is nothing perfect about the bond because you will reach this stage after forgiving each other numerous times and even swearing at each other. We are not perfect but, we can take our friendships to another level and acquire a special bond through commitment and love. When you love your friend, you have to do it genuinely and, you will definitely reap the fruits of your labor in friendship. If you have friends who you met many years ago, you will definitely know what I'm talking about. Creating this bond is essential because friends are pillars we can lean on. When we are weak, they will care for us and we can trust them to do well by us. This is how friendships are important; look for that bond today

Badme: battlefield and symbol

 By Professor Jon Abbink  




In early 2003 Ethiopia and Eritrea are still awaiting the final determination and demarcation of their international border over which they fought their massive war of 1998-2000. According to UN sources, the actual demarcation will begin in May 2003. It is anticipated with some trepidation by both sides. The fate of one place in particular is eagerly awaited: Badme, the village where it all began on 6 May with an armed incident between Eritrean and Ethiopian militia, followed by a violent incursion on 12 May 1998 by Eritrean troops to revenge the death of some of their soldiers and of a high-ranking officer. They displaced the Ethiopian administration and town militia and occupied the place.[i] 

What ensued is history: one of the most intense and bloody wars that Africa has seen in recent years, with close to a 100,000 deaths. It ended in a military defeat for Eritrea in May-June 2000 after a remarkable Ethiopian offensive, a peace negotiation agreement in December 2000 (the ‘Algiers Agreement’), the installation of a 4200-member UN peacekeeping force (UNMEE) in early 2001, and the creation of an Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Commission (EEBC), appointed and mandated by both enemies and working under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) in The Hague. 

The EEBC gave its 125-page verdict on 13 April 2002[ii] and the two contestants had said beforehand that this decision would be taken as binding. While both countries predictably claimed the ruling as a ‘victory’,[iii] the first differences of opinion were already evident a few days after the EEBC decision came out and have continued until this day. The flash point is the location of Badme. This village - its correct spelling would rather be Badimme - was allegedly the fons et origo of the conflict: the first battle ground and the linchpin of national integrity. It will be recalled that president Isayas Afeworqi of Eritrea had said, after the conquest of the place in May 1998, that giving up Badme would be like saying that the sun would set in the east, and claimed it had always belonged to Eritrea. For Ethiopia it was a humiliation that a place administered by them since its founding was usurped by Eritrea with force. 

Badme thus became highly symbolic place, and whoever would be accorded it under the EEBC decision would carry the day and be perceived as the ultimate victor of the war. This may be the reason why the EEBC, in a rather childish move, excluded any reference to the location of Badme in its lengthy report. It is only mentioned once in passing (on p. 84). On the detailed maps in the Border Ruling, the Commission even refrained from indicating Badme. Its coordinates were not given either. This was delaying the truth and therefore a fruitless gesture. In addition, by neglecting to discuss Badme and the local situation as perceived by the people living on the spot, the EEBC also dispensed with an important jurisprudential convention (to which we will come back below). Meanwhile, the propaganda battle between Ethiopia and Eritrea has gone on,[iv] both claiming Badme and thus being the moral victor of the war. 

Where is Badme, and what does it matter? 

In focusing too much on the whereabouts of Badme in the final border demarcation exercise, it is easy to lose sight of the real issues of the war, which to most observers was quite senseless. These were a combination of personal arrogance of two leaders with highly authoritarian tendencies, abuse of power, and the lack of clear-cut, statesman-like agreements on the mutual politico-economic relations of the two new states after 1991, when they came to power with a momentum of hope and promise. 

Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s prime minister and the leader of the former insurgent movement Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF), in power in Addis Ababa since May 1991 after the defeat of the Mengistu-regime, was long the close ally of Isayas Afeworqi, who was leader of the guerrilla movement EPLF that took Asmara in 1991. They had a closely allied political agenda, inspired by Marxist policies dating from the 1970s Ethiopian student movement. Their movements, the Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (EPLF) and the TPLF (later EPRDF or Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front), also had had close military cooperation in the field. EPLF had helped found and train the TPLF in the mid-1970s. Relations between the Eritrean and Ethiopian regimes, however, turned sour in 1997 when rivalry emerged on regional hegemony, and when Eritrean president Isayas saw he could no longer dominate Ethiopian policy in all respects. Tensions rose, economic and political problems escalated, and Isayas gambled to restore dominance by forcing the Ethiopians on the border issue, similar to what they did with Yemen in the case of the Hanish Islands.[v] The border conflict is therefore to be seen as a means[vi] used to achieve wider ends: regional dominance, maintaining privileged economic relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and weakening of the Ethiopian regime, which was then in the midst of serious political problems and opposition from large sections of the public. Isayas gambled wrongly, as Meles, under great pressure from his party and the Tigray home base - hard hit by the invasion - as well as the wider public, did not de-escalate and had to respond by force. In February 1999, Eritrean forces were dislodged from Badme in a big Ethiopian offensive that cost of several tens of thousands of lives. 


Badme is a village in the land of the Kunama, the ancient indigenous people in the area. It took its name from the Badumma plains, a stretch of land used mainly as pasture by the Kunama and more recently as cultivation area.[vii] The village of Badme was founded in the 1950s under the auspices of the then administrator of the Tigray province, Ras Seyoum Mengesha, who was killed in the 1960 coup d’état attempt. As Eritrea was then part of Ethiopia, any border problem did not arise.[viii] Over the years, Eritrean farmers and traders also came to settle in Badme. They were of the same language group (Tigrinya) as the local people. 

One big confusion has to be cleared up first and may hold the key to the solution. On most maps there is a place called Yirga, which seems to coincide with the location of Badme. Yirga’s geographic location is 14° 37' 60N latitude - 37° 55' 0E longitude.[ix] In a news dispatch of 12 July 1999, an AFP reporter noted that local people spoke of ‘Badme’ when they meant the village formally named ‘Yirga’.[x] In official Ethiopian documents, however, Badme is the name of a place in the woreda (or district) of Tahtay-Adiabo. In the Ethiopian census report of 1994 there is no mention of a town called Yirga, which confirms the idea that Badme and Yirga are one and the same. This would answer the question of where exactly Badme is, because under all projections and treaty lines Yirga, with the mentioned coordinates, is securely in Ethiopian territory, some 20 km.s north of Shiraro town on the road to Eritrea. Also on the first map on the border area issued by the UN in November 2000 (Map no. 3790, Rev. 4, subsequently withdrawn) Yirga is located in Ethiopian territory. There is, however, a word-play going by both Eritrea and Ethiopia on Badme, because it can refer to the Badme or Badumma plain extending across both countries. So ‘Badme’ in the wider sense, except for Yirga village, can legitimately be claimed as being in either country.

There are assertions in various sources that with Global Positioning System (GPS) reckonings Badme is in Eritrea (see, for instance, Fielding 1999: 93, who did not visit Ethiopia). This cannot be ascertained as long as the Yirga-Badme confusion is not sorted out and if the issue is not seen from both sides of the border line. Certainly, in the report of the Ethiopian nation-wide census of 1994, ‘Badme town’ is listed as a location in Tigray (CSA 1998: 10) and was stated to have 892 inhabitants. In various UN documents, Badme is also mentioned as an Ethiopian place and as a recipient of food aid.[xi] People of Badme voted in all Ethiopian elections after 1991. Another indication is that after 1993, the year of formal Eritrean independence, Eritrean currency (the naqfa) was never used in Badme. 

Fighting around Badme 

When Eritrean forces entered the Badme area on 12 May 1998, they neither were hailed as liberators nor did they behave as such. The nature of Eritrean military action was offensive and turned into occupation, as it did in the contested Irob country further to the east. Several Badme civilian residents were killed and abducted, and before retreating in the wake of the Ethiopian offensive of February 1999, the Eritrean army largely destroyed the town: the church, the primary schools, the hand pump, the clinics. Local residents stated that there were efforts to forcibly take their land and give it to Eritreans. All this would indicate that Eritrea had no administrative or other foothold in Badme, and was not recognized by local people as legitimately having one. 

While the issue of the feelings of the Badme residents is indeed different from the legal issue of where the border is or should be on the basis of the colonial treaties, what seems sure is that the question of actual possession and peaceful administration (i.e., effectivités, if not uti possedetis facto, or ‘Have what you have in fact had’) was in Ethiopia’s favour. 

Before 1991 the area around Badme was sometimes in dispute. In the 1970s, it was the field of operations of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). This movement now and then tried to establish administrative structures in the area, e.g. in Badme, but were resisted by the TPLF, which saw it as part of Tigray. The TPLF was supported in this by the emerging EPLF, which declared at the time that Badme did not belong to Eritrea. The TPLF had a field base in the village of Bumbet, some 10 km.s north of Badme. After the TPLF and EPLF had combined in chasing out the ELF from the area in 1981, the EPLF gradually took the position that Badme did belong to Eritrea after all. However, the TPLF and EPLF shelved the issue of borders until they would form the government.[xii] 

In the international efforts since May 1998 at negotiating an end to the war, Eritrea was always asked to pull back from Badme, in line with the general principle of international law that border disputes cannot be resolved by resort to force. That is, before the conflict Badme was not administered by Eritrea. 

Badme and the ‘triangle’ surrounding it reverted to Ethiopian rule in February 1999 and have remained under it until today. After the big Ethiopian offensive of May 2000, which went deep into Eritrean territory, many former Ethiopian residents gradually returned to the village and started rebuilding their houses and demining their fields. 

History and treaties 

There is a number of colonial treaties made between Italy (colonizer of Eritrea since 1890) and Ethiopia dating from the early 20th century: the one-page Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1900, the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1902 and the Treaty of 1908 (which relates to the eastern border). These treaties or agreements carried annexes with unclear maps sketching the rough outlines of the border. None of the proposed borders was ever marked on the ground. There was great ambiguity on the names of places and rivers on the maps, some of them occurring more than once. Italy also steadily encroached on Ethiopian soil, and even marked up maps unilaterally. But its invasion in Ethiopia of 1935 automatically made all treaties and unilateral maps null and void. After the Second World War, Emperor Haile Sellassie confirmed the invalidity of the previous treaties,[xiii] and Italy renounced them in 1947 with the Peace Treaty. Eritrea became a UN Trust territory under Britain in 1942, was federated with Ethiopia in 1952 and in 1962 incorporated as a province, in a process of questionable legality. 

The EEBC now has resurrected the three old treaties. This was done within the mandate given to it by the two warring countries, as agreed in their December 2000 Algiers Agreement. The Commission did not say anything on the question of the status of these old treaties today. It is important to realize that the border decision is based on the agreement by Ethiopia and Eritrea to give the authority to decide to the EEBC and to respect its decision in principle as ‘final and binding’. Also, under this mandate, a number of other legal considerations and norms were declared irrelevant, even though many are in theory valid. This scenario was understandable in the light of the political sensitivities, but it did not guarantee that objective justice was done. The EEBC even said (EEBC 2002: 1) that it “… shall not have the power to make decisions ex aequo et bono” [= according to what is just and right]. Hence, on at least two accounts the Committee’s work was problematic: 1. it disregarded political considerations and rivalry that governed state policy in both countries and might prejudice the outcome of a ruling on its own merit; 2. it neglected legal principles such as ‘self-determination’, or even hearing the voice, of local populations, and that of effectivités, a point in which Ethiopia’s case on Badme/Yirga is quite strong.

Anyway, if the treaties are taken as the base, the 1902 treaty, an amendment to the unclear 1900 treaty between Emperor Menilik II and the Italians, seems to be crucial. There the western border line, from the Mareb to the Setit (or Takkaze) rivers, is defined as a line going from the Maieteb-Setit junction up to Mai Ambesa-Mareb confluence. The EEBC had to decide from the treaties and the submissions by Ethiopia and Eritrea.

In pre-World War II treaties and documents of both Ethiopia and colonial Eritrea, the name Badme does not occur, because most of the area in question - the Badumma plains - was uninhabited and only occasionally used for pasture. Apart from some text in the Appendices of the Border Ruling (pp. 111-115), the EEBC has not seriously considered any developments after 1935, when conditions in the area changed markedly: first of all, the Italian Fascist invasion, which by itself annulled any agreements between Ethiopia and Italy as regards its colony Eritrea, later the Ethio-Eritrean federation of 1952-62, the (highly contested but legal) inclusion of Eritrea into Ethiopia, and the subsequent settlement and economic activities in the border areas. Omitting to assess the post-1935, and specifically the post-1941 situation, is a mistake. 

The EEBC Decision and the Western border: where has Badme gone? 

After the EEBC Decision was published, Ethiopia’s foreign minister in a press conference on 13 April 2000 said that Badme was awarded to Ethiopia. This was contested by Eritrea the next day, and indeed the ruling does not give any concrete evidence that it was, and neither country specified where Badme was located. What does the EEBC Decision actually say? 

Remarkable in this ruling is that in the Western Sector it has retained the old straight border line between the two rivers Mareb and Setit, from the junction Mareb-Mai Ambesa in the north to the junction Setit-Tomsa in the south (a bit west of the Eritrean claim line). Although the Tomsa point is contested, this straight line is found on most extant maps of the Ethio-Eritrean border. However, the three treaties of 1900, 1902 and 1908 did not prescribe a straight line as the border: they only indicated it as the provisional line to be decided upon and demarcated on the ground later, presumably according to local circumstances, settlement patterns, land use, etc. This never happened. In the meantime the local people went about their business not heeding any border and local administration was established. 

Thus, the facts on the ground, in the absence of a concrete border being marked – which anyhow lost much of its relevance after 1962 when Eritrea was absorbed by Ethiopia – have eminent relevance to any borderline decision of today. The EEBC, however, did not think so and just bypassed uti possedetis and effectivité principles, as well as local ideas of national belonging and (in the case of the Afar people in the Eastern Sector) self-determination.

In their submissions, Ethiopia and Eritrea were at variance about the location of the line between the small rivers Mai Ambesa and Maieteb. There was no disagreement about the Mai Ambesa-Mareb point, but all the more about the southern point. Eritrea pretentiously claimed that the ‘Maiten’ stream, due east, was the Maieteb of the 1902 Treaty (see EEBC 2002: 14). Ethiopia, equally pretentiously, claimed that the ‘real’ Maiteb was located far in the west, about 20 km.s east of the town of Umm Hajer. The names were indeed on the old maps (there are at least three Maitebs or Meetebs), but both claims were wrong. Looking at the available maps and the confusion on geographical names, the question of deciding on where the ‘real’ Maiteb is located is up to a certain extent arbitrary. There was no compelling logic in the extant documents for the Commission to follow. This fact made it all the more important to look at actualities, feelings of belonging of the local population, effectivités, etc. that evolved in the last 50 years, especially since the end of Italian occupation in 1941 (The mandate of the EEBC made this even possible, because the basis for its decisions would not only be the “pertinent colonial treaties”, but also “applicable international law”, cf. EEBC 2002, p. 1). The Commission decided not to do so. It put the southern border point at the Setit-Tomsa junction, east of the Maieteb. Remarkably, the Commission incomprehensibly took over the Tomsa point from the Italians, who had unilaterally claimed it in the 1930s.

While the Decision argued that Ethiopia had not adduced sufficient evidence on actual possession of Badme and environs, the final border ruling does not pinpoint Badme anywhere, neither in the text nor on the map. The new border casts aside the record of Ethiopian de facto administrative rule and possession of the territories west of the straight line (indicated on the unofficial map of the Region of Tigray). However, on the basis of what was said above, Badme village is not included in the area accorded to Eritrea; only a part of the Badumma plains and the environs of Badme village. 

Under the decision, Eritrea has the advantage of having a questionable border internationally guaranteed and its precarious national identity reinforced. Ethiopia, despite having won the war and the battle of prestige, has not gained an inch of territory nor any right to the free use of Assab port on the Red Sea. It did not take advantage of the fact that, historically and legally speaking, the entire relationship with Eritrea, from borders to port use, was up for negotiation again, due to the unilateral resort to armed force by Eritrea. The only thing the Ethiopians did was to evict the enemy from its uncontested territory. That a war became ‘necessary’, however, was partly the result of the Ethiopian regime’s ambiguous political dealings with the Eritreans and with giving them too many political and economic advantages after 1993. 

Ethiopia contested the EEBC decision on 13 May 2002, but this came too late. It had no military positions any more to back up its borderline claims, and, in any case, had made insufficient claims in the negotiations themselves. Regarding this issue, it is remarkable that no claim whatsoever was submitted to the EEBC for an outlet to the sea (Assab port). In paragraphs 4.69-4.71 (p. 50) of the Border Ruling it is shown also that Ethiopia gave up contested areas like Tsorona and Fort Cadorna without any counter-claim. Even the claim to Badme came very late, as par. 5.92 of the Border Ruling shows: “The Commission notes that no evidence of such activities [i.e., long-time presence, effective administration, etc. in the Badme area] was introduced in the Ethiopian Memorial (= the submission to the EEBC) The evidence to be examined only appeared in the Ethiopian Counter-Memorial. It was not added to or developed in the Ethiopian reply.” 

It seems that Ethiopian policy on this matter followed the old TPLF ideological line - or dogma - that Eritrean independence within borders that were already agreed upon in the 1970s in covert agreements between EPLF and TPLF - is to a large extent being carried out (cf. the paper by Belai cited in note 12). This is also testimony to the fact that the underlying political alliance between the two regimes in Addis Ababa and Asmara, despite the insults and the bloodshed, is still there. However, the irony is that Italy - and Eritrea - never had any exercise of administration or control in the Badme area and beyond. 

Conclusion: a Cold War in the Horn of Africa? 

It is amazing that such an apparently simple question as to where Badme lies is so controversial and so hidden in a smoke screen of propaganda and nationalist talk by the two protagonists. It only shows how deeply this unfortunate conflict has blighted Ethio-Eritrean relations. It is also amazing how the two regimes were prepared to let the issues of disagreement blow up into a devastating war with huge human, economic, and environmental consequences. 

The background of this is the ingrained politics of secrecy and distrust in the Horn of Africa, maintained by elite maneuvering. The general context is the long-standing crisis in African political culture in conditions of poverty, resource scarcity and zero-sum game power politics. As in many places in Africa, in the Horn one deals with an often quite callous and cynical leadership that wants to retain power at any cost. Compromise politics, power sharing or giving substantial rights to opposition, or even to its citizens, is seen as a personal defeat by leading elites on both sides. As long as this political culture of envy and authoritarianism predominates there is little hope for improvement in terms of democratization, the building of a ‘lasting peace’, sustainable economic upsurge and other such fictions. 

The prediction is this: if Badme/Yirga village is given to Eritrea, whatever the legal argument made in the highly contestable PCA ruling, there will be continue to be perennial tension between the two countries, with a danger for additional violence, though not large-scale war. If it remains with Ethiopia, it will not lead to a normalization of relations between the two countries. This tension will not be resolved in the life-span of the current two regimes and their leadership. At most, there will be a cold peace (or a cold war). After its rejected appeal to the EEBC of 13 May 2002,[xiv] Ethiopia prepares itself to bring the bad news to its population. While Badme is probably retained, many other areas have to be ceded, notably in the Central Sector. The EEBC missed a great opportunity to make a face-saving compromise. Giving Badme to Eritrea would be a quite contestable decision, beyond what the treaties would allow. It would also slash away the legitimacy of the Ethiopian regime among its population to act in the national interest. For outside observers it is striking to see how weak the Ethiopian presentation and arguments to the EEBC have been on matters related to the national territory, all because of a parti-pris towards Eritrean independence within borders that were defined in a off-hand deal between two insurgent movements many years ago. The minor territorial ‘gains’ made by Ethiopia in the Central Sector (Zalambesa area) will not make any impression, because these territories were already under Ethiopian administration. There are some indications that Ethiopia is regretting the stance it took. There is maneuvering to influence the actual demarcation of the border. It will also drag its feet as long as possible in vacating settlements now declared to be in Eritrea.[xv]

Observing Ethiopian-Eritrean politics one notes a lack of understanding of or political will to exercise reasonableness. There is not only an entrenched personal enmity between leading elites, but also deep irritation if not hatred between large sections of the Eritrean and Ethiopian peoples, fueled by the appalling abuse of and cruelty towards ordinary citizens in the war. There also have been mounting domestic problems in the wake of the war. Some Eritreans are beginning to wonder – in muted voices – whether this kind of independence, with a highly authoritarian leadership in a stifling surveillance state, was really worth it.[xvi] The Ethiopian people feel betrayed not only by Eritrea, but also by their own sectarian and undemocratic leadership that has not reaped the benefits of war after its victory and its shattering of the army of the opponent. Indeed, in comparative terms, the post-1991 record of both regimes that took over power from the disastrous Mengistu-regime with such a groundswell of support and promise has been a deception, and, of course, the inhabitants of Badme/Yirga want to stay with Ethiopia.[xvii] It is perhaps symptomatic of the dire state of African politics - this time supported by the legality of a dubious border decision - that they have not been listened to. Demarcating the Badme area will be a tense affair.